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The bond market is putting a price on political promises

For years, one of the most consequential prices in the global economy was almost invisible: The price of money. Near-zero rates let governments borrow cheaply, companies fund marginal projects, and investors justify almost any valuation. Political promises appeared affordable because financing costs had faded into the background. The bill has now arrived.

United States (US) ten-year government-bond yields recently approached 5%, while 30-year yields climbed towards 5.4%. British yields reached 5.3%, and even Germany and Japan, once symbols of ultra-cheap money, have seen borrowing costs surge. This is more than a bad season for bond investors. Government yields underpin mortgages, company loans, property values, and share prices. Raise that foundation and the entire financial structure must adjust.

Inflation is only partly responsible. Oil above $100 a barrel has revived energy pressure, while services inflation remains stubborn. Central banks, scarred by their slow response to the previous shock, are raising rates before expectations become unanchored. Yet, something more interesting is happening: Governments are not only paying for past excess; they are competing against the future.

Artificial intelligence (AI) data centres, electricity generation, grids, chips, and cooling systems are absorbing extraordinary amounts of capital. Investment-grade companies are expected to issue $1.9 trillion in debt this year. The AI boom may create jobs and increase productivity, but first it must be financed. Every dollar channelled into a data centre is a dollar that cannot simultaneously finance a government deficit. This changes the conversation. Rising yields do not signal only fear. They may also reflect optimism about productive private investment. Capital has alternatives again, and governments must explain why investors should lend to them. A project that expands electricity supply or removes a logistics bottleneck could generate future growth. An unfunded electoral giveaway merely sends the bill to taxpayers who never voted for it.

India offers a revealing, if imperfect, comparison. Its economy and private investment are booming, yet its bond sell-off has been milder than that of the US. Capital controls and captive domestic investors help, but so do a credible inflation target and a primary deficit below 2% of gross domestic product. Markets tolerate borrowing more readily when policymakers demonstrate restraint and central banks can do their jobs.

Germany shows the political tension. Its economy is finally stirring, helped by exports, start-ups, and AI-related demand. Still, much of the recovery rests on debt-funded public spending while ageing, expensive energy and weak competitiveness remain unresolved. Necessary reforms become harder as frustrated voters turn towards populist alternatives. Even the enthusiasm for “free” public transport belongs in this story. Removing fares sounds compassionate, but evidence suggests that universal subsidies shift few motorists from their cars and can crowd out faster, safer, and more reliable services. Price can be abolished for the passenger; cost cannot. It simply reappears as taxes, displaced services, or debt.

South Africa should read this warning carefully. We cannot determine the global price of capital, but we can influence the premium that investors demand from us. When US government debt offers nearly 5%, South African borrowers must work harder to attract funds. Weak policy, failing infrastructure, and unfunded promises become considerably more expensive. This does not mean that government should spend less. It must spend better. Reliable electricity, functioning ports, water security, and capable municipalities can expand future productive capacity. Waste, poorly targeted subsidies, and consumption disguised as investment do the reverse.

Investors face the same discipline. Debt-heavy companies and richly-valued shares become more fragile, while dependable cash flows and strong balance sheets regain their appeal. Bonds can cause losses for existing holders while offering better income to new buyers. Cheap money allowed markets and politicians to postpone difficult choices. Expensive money brings them forward. The bond market is asking every government the same uncomfortable question: If you borrow from the future, what exactly will the future receive in return?+

This article has been published on Moneyweb.

AI is creating jobs, but SA could still lose

The artificial intelligence (AI) revolution was supposed to empty offices. For now, it is also filling construction sites. Somewhere between these two images lies a question that South Africa (SA) cannot afford to ignore: Will we capture the new opportunities, or mostly experience disruption?

The Economist estimates that AI has created roughly one million jobs in the United States, compared with about 200 000 retrenchments attributed to AI since mid-2023. The gains include software specialists, but also the electricians, technicians, and engineers needed to build and power data centres. Intelligence may be becoming artificial, but the infrastructure behind it remains stubbornly physical. These figures, however, deserve caution. Not every additional engineering job owes its existence to AI, and counting the announced retrenchments misses people who were never hired. Construction booms also end. The early evidence challenges predictions of immediate mass unemployment. It does not settle what happens once the infrastructure is built and the technology matures.

Nevertheless, the economic opportunity extends well beyond construction. Making a service cheaper can create customers who previously could not afford it. Imagine a small accounting practice using AI to process routine paperwork. It could dismiss staff and keep serving the same number of clients. Or, it could lower fees, reach hundreds of smaller businesses, and employ more people to advise them. More output does not automatically mean more employment: Demand must grow enough to offset the labour saved on each task. Competition matters here. If productivity gains translate into lower prices, they can widen access. If they remain mostly higher margins, the employment benefits may be narrower.

For SA, this distinction is uncomfortable. We could lose routine administrative work here while the investment, technical jobs, and profits accumulate elsewhere. A global jobs boom offers little comfort to someone retrenched in Johannesburg if the replacement vacancy is for an electrical engineer in Indiana. Nor does that worker become an engineer merely because an economist calls for “reskilling”. Training takes time, money, and credible pathways into employment. People have bills to pay while they learn. A transition can be positive for the economy in aggregate, but brutal for the households caught between occupations.

There is also a less obvious danger within companies. Junior employees, traditionally, learn by doing the routine work that senior staff no longer need to do. If AI takes over that work, how do tomorrow’s experts acquire judgement? Saving on graduate recruitment today could leave firms with a skills shortage of their own making later. Employers, therefore, need to redesign entry-level development, giving young staff supervised responsibility for checking AI output and solving client problems. Knowing how to prompt a chatbot is useful. Knowing when its confident answer is wrong is considerably more valuable.

Government’s contribution is equally practical: Dependable electricity, affordable connectivity, and training linked to actual employer demand. But, attracting data centres alone is not an employment strategy. Their construction creates work; sustained operating jobs are a different matter. The bigger opportunity may lie in helping thousands of existing businesses become productive enough to grow. We need not invent the next global AI model to benefit from it. An accounting firm serving businesses that previously could not afford advice is also part of this revolution.

Investors should resist a different temptation: Confusing an economic breakthrough with a guaranteed investment return. AI can transform businesses while particular shares disappoint because their prices already assume extraordinary success. Equally, an infrastructure spending boom can strain electricity supply and financing before its productivity benefits reduce costs. Technological progress does not arrive with permanently cheap money attached to it.

The useful question, then, is not whether AI creates or destroys jobs. It does both. SA’s challenge is to turn cheaper expertise into more customers, stronger businesses, and routes into skilled work. If our firms use AI only to shrink their wage bills, we may become more efficient without becoming more prosperous.

This article has been published on Moneyweb.

What financial planning still gets wrong about women

Every Women’s Month, the same financial advice is given: Budget carefully, invest early, insure yourself, and draft a Will. None of this is wrong. It is simply incomplete. This advice treats women’s financial outcomes mainly as a matter of better choices, while ignoring that most financial plans are built around a particular life: Uninterrupted full-time work, steadily rising earnings, regular retirement contributions, and a predictable retirement date.

Many women’s lives do not look like that. Their earnings may start lower and bend more often. A baby arrives. A parent needs care. The family relocates, or one spouse’s career takes priority over the other. Paid work becomes part-time, pauses, or restarts at a lower level. These may be family decisions, yet their financial cost often lands in one person’s retirement account.

This is the missing economics of career breaks. A year of not working does not cost only one year’s salary. It can also mean missed retirement contributions, employer benefits, promotions, salary progression, and years of compound growth on money never invested. If a woman returns at a lower salary, the penalty continues. A five-year break can, therefore, create a hole far larger than five years’ worth of savings.

Longevity then turns this gap into an even greater obligation. Women generally live longer than men. The person with fewer uninterrupted years in which to accumulate wealth may, consequently, have more years of life to finance. This is the double-compounding problem at the heart of retirement planning for women. Longevity planning cannot simply mean chasing a larger lump sum. It must consider durable income, healthcare, housing, the possibility of living alone, and who can assist if financial decision-making becomes harder. A longer life is a gift; an underfunded one can become a prolonged exposure to dependence.

Marriage can further disguise this risk. A household may be wealthy while one spouse remains financially vulnerable, without assets in her own name, an established credit record, adequate retirement provision, or a clear understanding of the family’s finances. Having a financial identity does not mean keeping secrets or expecting the marriage to fail. It means understanding the marital regime, attending planning meetings, knowing where investments and debts are held, having access to documents, and understanding the Wills, beneficiaries, and insurance policies. No one’s first serious financial education should occur while grieving a spouse.

The better response begins before a career break. If a household benefits from one person providing unpaid care, the household should continue funding that person’s retirement, risk protection, skills, and eventual return to work. Care has economic value even without a payslip. Life cover should, therefore, recognise the cost of replacing caregiving, not only the loss of a salary. This reframes the question. Instead of asking, “Can she afford to stop working?”, families should ask, “How do we prevent a shared family decision from becoming her private retirement penalty?”

Other foundations also still matter. Investing small amounts early allows capital to begin compounding before life becomes more expensive. Income protection defends what is often a young woman’s greatest asset: Her future earnings. An emergency fund buys decision-making time during illness, unemployment, divorce, or bereavement. Continued education protects her ability to re-enter the workplace and rebuild income. These are not disconnected financial products. Together, they create resilience across life transitions.

The consequences are also intergenerational. Intergenerational wealth is transferred through behaviour before it is transferred through an estate. Children who see both parents discussing investments, debt, and insurance learn that financial agency does not belong to one gender.

Financial planning for women should, therefore, not be a pink version of the same plan. Equal products can produce unequal outcomes when people travel different economic paths. A serious financial plan asks more than, “How much have you accumulated?”; it also asks, “Whose life did our assumptions describe?”

True financial well-being is the ability to withstand disruption, participate confidently in decisions, and retain meaningful choices. Women do not need another lecture about saving. They need financial plans that are honest enough to put a price on time.

The US economy is thriving, but its consumers are not

The most revealing recent signal about the United States (US) economy did not come from the Federal Reserve (Fed). It came from Walmart.

The US’ largest retailer increased revenue, beat profit expectations, and raised its annual forecast. Its shares, however, plunged 9.2%. The problem was hiding beneath the headline: Same-store sales grew by just 2.6%, the weakest performance since 2019, while sales inside physical stores declined. Walmart is now using most of a $2.9 billion tariff refund to cut prices because its customers need relief.

This hardly sounds like an overheating economy. National retail sales fell by 0.6% in July, grocery spending declined after inflation, and US food prices are roughly 25% higher than in 2020. Consumers are watching every dollar. Yet, the US economy may not be cooling at all. It may simply be booming somewhere that ordinary Americans cannot feel.

Consider employment. Hiring has slowed sharply, and total employment declined in July. But the US’ labour force is 1.3 million people less than a year ago, while the number employed is still more than 300 000 higher. Unemployment claims remain low, and there is roughly one unemployed person for every available job. An ageing population and large-scale deportations are further shrinking labour supply. The US may not have too few jobs; it may have too few workers.

Something similar is happening with spending. Household consumption generated roughly three-quarters of the country’s post-pandemic growth. Now, government and artificial intelligence (AI) are taking over. In recent quarters, AI-related investment has contributed about as much to economic growth as personal consumption. This sounds impressive, but it creates a contest for scarce capital. Household debt has fallen from nearly 63% of gross domestic product (GDP) in 2022 to below 58%. Federal borrowing moved the other way, while technology companies began raising enormous sums for chips, data centres, and power generation. Large tech firms have recently issued about $75 billion in bonds. Nvidia alone has pledged up to $100 billion towards a giant AI project in Ohio. Government and AI are, therefore, outbidding households for money. The price of that money, the interest rate, remains high. Home loans, vehicles, and credit become less affordable, leaving consumers to cut back even while the economy expands. The war in Iran and restricted oil flows add another squeeze through higher fuel and freight costs.

Bond investors have noticed. The 30-Year US Treasury Yield recently exceeded 5.3%, its highest level since 2007. Federal debt has crossed $40 trillion, and the deficit is around 6% of GDP. Crucially, yields are rising mainly because real returns demanded by lenders are increasing, not simply because inflation expectations have exploded. A few softer economic releases may encourage the Fed to cut interest rates, but they cannot manufacture workers, energy, or savings.

The stock market is telling a far happier, and narrower, story. The S&P 500 has gained roughly 12% this year, yet Nvidia alone constitutes about 8% of the index. If its share price moves 3% while the other 499 companies remain unchanged, the entire index shifts by about 0.25%. Investors may think they own 500 companies. Increasingly, they own one dominant story: AI.

For South Africans, this is not distant theatre. High US real yields support the dollar, pressure the rand, increase global funding costs, and constrain the South African Reserve Bank’s room to cut interest rates. They also make two popular assumptions dangerous: That weak American consumers guarantee lower interest rates, and that buying the S&P 500 automatically provides broad diversification.

Perhaps the AI build-out will unlock extraordinary productivity, making today’s sacrifice worthwhile. But, if expected returns fail to arrive, the US will have squeezed its consumers and raised the world’s cost of capital to finance an exceptionally concentrated bet. The greatest risk may not be the recession everyone keeps anticipating. It may be a boom too narrow to feel, and too expensive to sustain.

 

Who pays when a country runs out of options?

Japan bought its own currency. China stopped buying oil. The United States (US) discovered that investors now want 5.22% to hold its debt for 30 years. These decisions tell the same story: When a crisis arrives, countries with options can protect themselves. Countries without options pass the cost of a crisis to their citizens.

 

Japan offers a remarkable example. For years, its government, central bank, and public pension funds accumulated enormous foreign investments, while borrowing very cheaply at home. Together, those foreign assets are worth more than half of Japan’s economy and earned an average annual return of 5.8% over 25 years up until 2023. This scenario worked while Japanese interest rates remained near zero. Now, inflation has returned, and interest rates are expected to rise. Japan has, therefore, started to sell dollars and buy yen after its currency weakened beyond ¥160 to the dollar. Because many of those dollars were bought when the yen was much stronger, Japan may have made as much as $36 billion while defending its currency.

 

This problem is not isolated to Japan. If higher Japanese interest rates encourage its investors to bring money home, they may sell foreign bonds. Global borrowing costs could rise further. What starts in Tokyo can eventually reach South African bond yields, the rand, and the repayments that we make on our home loans.

 

China used a different escape route when the Iran war disrupted oil moving through the Strait of Hormuz. Rather than competing desperately for oil, it reduced imports by roughly 5.5 million barrels a day. Its oil reserves, electric vehicles, public transport networks, and ability to restrict fuel exports allowed it to consume less without stopping its economy. This decision may have kept Brent Crude more than $30 below where it might otherwise have traded. The Organisation of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) moves oil prices by limiting supply. China showed that the world’s largest buyer can also move prices by limiting demand. Stockpiles will eventually run low, but it gave China time and helped shield oil-importing countries, such as South Africa (SA).

 

There is, however, an important warning. Some Chinese institutions that were created to remove bad loans from banks instead helped to hide them. They borrowed cheaply, lent to troubled property developers, and shifted losses out of sight. Now, some of these financial rescue companies need rescuing themselves. Moving a problem is not the same as solving it.

 

The same divide is appearing elsewhere. Switzerland entered this unsettled period with low inflation, disciplined public finances, and trusted institutions. Its economy grew by a surprisingly strong 1.5% in the second quarter, although pharmaceuticals did much of the work. The US remains vastly more powerful, but debt approaching $40 trillion means that more of its future tax revenue will be consumed by interest. Even a superpower eventually loses choices when it borrows too much.

 

SA still has important defences: A floating rand, deep financial markets, and a credible Reserve Bank. Yet, we import oil, pay heavily to service government debt, and remain vulnerable to unreliable electricity, railways, and ports. We cannot command the economy like Beijing, nor can we borrow as easily as Washington. So, when the next external shock arrives, government may not be able to absorb it. Households and businesses will pay through fuel prices, food inflation, higher interest rates, taxes, or weaker public services. This is the real value of repairing infrastructure, reducing debt, and building energy alternatives. They are not abstract policy ambitions. They create choices.

 

Investors should think similarly. Do not only ask how quickly a country or a company is growing. Ask whether it can refinance its debt, replace an important supplier, absorb a weaker currency, or survive several difficult months. Growth reveals how fast something moves in good times. Its available choices determine whether it survives bad times. When a country runs out of options, its citizens foot the bill.

 

Artificial intelligence can change the world and still be a bad investment

What if artificial intelligence (AI) changes almost everything, yet still proves to be one of the worst investments of all time? It sounds contradictory, but it is not. Technology can transform society while the companies that build it spend too much and leave investors to foot the bill. The internet did precisely that: The world gained, even though many shareholders lost money.

 

This possibility hangs over AI. The biggest technology companies in the United States (US) could spend $900 billion on chips, data centres, and power in 2026, rising to $1.4 trillion in 2027. Yet, AI revenue is estimated at $150 billion to $220 billion. The industry may need $2.5 trillion a year to justify spending. This does not make AI a fraud or a bubble. Railways, electricity, and the internet all required substantial investment before their productivity gains became apparent. But, transformative infrastructure often rewards society more than its financiers. Technology can change everything while overbuilding, competition, and falling prices ruin the economics of those funding it.

 

China makes this tension impossible to ignore: Its firms are spending less than a tenth as much on data centres as their US rivals, yet their best models are approaching the frontier. Lower land and labour costs help. So do distillation and engineering. More surprisingly, US chip restrictions have forced Chinese developers to squeeze more performance from less computing power.

 

Scarcity has imposed discipline, but it has also created waiting lists, rationed services, and long processing delays. China proves neither that frugality always wins nor that spending is irrelevant. It shows that the meaningful measure of AI is not how clever a model appears, but how much useful output each dollar produces.

 

The US may be failing this test. Businesses are buying AI before rebuilding themselves around it. Nine out of ten executives report no productivity effect over the past three years. The missing investment is not another chatbot; it is clean data, redesigned workflows, staff training, and managers willing to discard obsolete processes. Otherwise, AI merely helps employees to perform yesterday’s work faster.

 

India offers a picture of what this means for workers. Its technology workforce has not collapsed, but routine outsourced work is weakening while in-house capability centres expand. Demand is shifting from generic information technology skills towards people who combine AI, technical knowledge, and commercial judgement. The danger is not that every job disappears. It is that entry-level tasks vanish before young workers gain the experience required for more valuable tasks.

 

Then, there is South Korea, where AI demand has generated chip profits, bonuses, and tax receipts. Its stock market doubled, then suffered a violent correction as concentration and borrowed money magnified the reversal. Once again, an excellent industrial story became a dangerous trade. The sellers of picks and shovels may earn fortunes during a gold rush, but their shareholders can still overpay for those fortunes.

 

This matters to South Africans, whose global portfolios are increasingly exposed to US technology shares. Investors must separate three questions: Is AI transformative? Which companies will capture the value? Is that value already reflected in the price? A “yes” to the first says little about the other two.

 

South Africa cannot compete by building more data centres than the US, directing more capital than China, or manufacturing more chips than Korea. Oddly, that may be helpful as capital scarcity should force us to concentrate on adoption: Applying AI to financial services, mining, agriculture, logistics, and healthcare; lowering the cost of serving overlooked customers; and raising the output per worker.

 

In a country with mass unemployment, success cannot mean automating the largest possible number of jobs. It must mean producing more, creating new markets, and enabling workers to become more valuable. Every AI investment should face three practical questions: What costly problem disappears? What additional revenue becomes possible? How soon does the return exceed the full cost of changing the organisation? The AI race will not ultimately be won by whoever spends the most. It will be won by whoever wastes the least.

This article has been published on Moneyweb.

The biggest asset missing from your balance sheet

Most financial conversations begin too late. They start after money has already been earned. We then debate offshore exposure, fees, tax efficiency, and whether the Johannesburg Stock Exchange can outperform Wall Street. Although these are worthwhile questions, they are concerned with capital that has already accumulated. For most working households, the far larger economic value lies in capital that has not yet been earned.

Strictly speaking, income is not an asset. It is a flow. The asset is human capital: The value of the future income that your health, skills, experience, and productive ability can generate. This distinction does not weaken the argument that your income deserves protection. It makes the argument more accurate.

Consider a 35-year-old earning R60 000 a month. With no salary increase whatsoever, another 30 years of work would generate R21.6 million before tax. This is not a formal present-value calculation; the discounted value would be lower, but it reveals the magnitude involved. For many professionals, future earning capacity is worth far more than their house and investment portfolio combined.

The household’s central economic project is, therefore, a gradual conversion of human capital into financial capital. We work, consume less than we earn, and transfer the surplus into pensions, unit trusts, businesses, and properties. As retirement approaches, accumulated financial capital must become large enough to replace the human capital being depleted. Yet, the conversion mechanism is fragile. A household may hold a diversified portfolio, but almost every rand entering it depends on one person, one employer, and one occupation. That is income concentration risk. If a listed company received 90% of its revenue from one customer, investors would demand an explanation. In household finance, we often view the same exposure as normal.

The danger arises when income is interrupted. Expenses are sticky: Bond repayments, groceries, school fees, electricity, and medical aid continue. Contributions stop. Investments may be sold at the wrong time. Debt begins to replace income. What started as a temporary liquidity problem can become a permanent loss of wealth.

Compounding magnifies the damage. Investing R5 000 a month for 20 years at an average annual return of 9% could produce approximately R3.2 million before fees and tax. The first year’s R60 000 of contributions could represent about R321 000 of the final amount. Lost income does not only reduce consumption today; it can erase several times that amount from tomorrow’s wealth. This is why stability should come before scale. An emergency fund can self-insure a short disruption. Larger risks must either be retained knowingly or transferred. Insurance is not an investment competing for returns. Properly structured, it is a hedge against the forced destruction of a household’s balance sheet.

Income protection insurance in South Africa (SA), generally, replaces a part of your monthly earnings when illness or injury prevents you from working. Its quality depends on the waiting period, benefit term, escalation, exclusions, and definition of occupational disability. Disability cover in SA commonly provides a lump sum that can settle debt, fund treatment, or create capital after permanent impairment. It should not automatically be treated as an income replacement for life. Life insurance in SA addresses the permanent disappearance of an earner through death while the family’s financial obligations remain. These three protections overlap, but they solve different balance-sheet problems.

Protection can also be excessive. Premiums that crowd out emergency savings and long-term investment undermine the very financial well-being they are meant to preserve. The objective is not maximum insurance; it is proportionate protection against risks that a household cannot absorb itself.

Investors spend enormous energy searching for the next winning share, fund, or property. But, returns only compound for those who can remain invested. Before asking which asset will create the most wealth, perhaps ask the question that comes first: What protects the human capital expected to finance all of the others?

The world is richer than ever, and that might be the problem

The world has become astonishingly wealthy, at least on paper. Global wealth exceeded $600 trillion in 2025, more than five times the annual global gross domestic product (GDP). Household wealth rose by roughly $40 trillion in a single year. But, here is the uncomfortable question: How much of that increase came from building anything new? The answer: Very little.

Most of the gain came from rising asset prices. Shares became more expensive. Property values increased. Existing wealth was marked up, even though the world’s stock of factories, ports, power stations, machinery, skills, and intellectual property did not expand at the same pace. This distinction is crucial. A higher share price makes an investor richer, but it does not automatically make the economy more productive. Financial wealth is a claim on future income. Real wealth is the productive capacity that must eventually generate that income.

The imbalance is now extreme. United States (US) equities are worth roughly 3.7 times of the US’ GDP, far above the level reached during the dotcom bubble. Perhaps extraordinary profits and artificial intelligence will eventually justify those valuations. But, there is another possibility: Investors have already brought a large portion of tomorrow’s returns into today’s prices.

This matters for South African investors. Strong global markets can make retirement portfolios look healthier, but rising valuations are not the same as rising underlying productivity. When asset prices increase faster than economic output, expected future returns often fall, while vulnerability to inflation, interest rates, and shocks rises.

Oil is now testing this vulnerability. Renewed disruption around the Strait of Hormuz, the Red Sea, and the Black Sea has pushed crude oil prices sharply higher. For South Africa (SA), an oil shock travels quickly. It raises fuel prices, increases transport and food costs, worsens inflation, weakens household spending, and complicates the South African Reserve Bank’s interest-rate decisions. It can also pressure the rand and government bond yields at precisely the wrong moment.

The same strain is visible elsewhere. Japan is finally emerging from decades of deflation, but it carries public debt exceeding 200% of GDP. Higher interest rates may be economically appropriate, yet they also increase the cost of servicing that debt. Supporting the bond market risks weakening the yen; defending the currency can push yields higher and send pressure into other global bond markets.

This is the inheritance of the cheap-money era. Governments borrowed. Investors stretched for returns. Asset prices surged. Now, inflation has proved more persistent than expected, energy markets are unstable, and the cost of capital is no longer negligible.

The world may restore balance in one of three ways. Productivity and economic growth could accelerate enough to validate current asset prices. Inflation could quietly reduce the real value of financial claims. Or, markets could fall until valuations better reflect the underlying economy. None of these adjustments will be painless.

This also changes how we should think about inequality and wealth. The most important distinction is not simply between rich and poor, but between productive and extractive wealth. A fortune built by creating useful products, employing people, and improving productivity is economically different from one built through political access, protected markets, or the inflation of scarce assets.

SA too often confuses the redistribution of existing wealth with the creation of new wealth. We argue endlessly about who should own the pie while electricity failures, weak logistics, poor education outcomes, municipal decay, and low investment prevent the pie from growing. The lesson from the world’s distorted balance sheet is simple: An economy cannot value itself into prosperity. Sooner or later, financial claims must be supported by real production. SA’s priority should, therefore, be brutally clear, not merely to reprice, tax, or redistribute what already exists, but to build what does not.

This article has been published on Moneyweb.

The high price of taking back control

The defining economic contest may not be capitalism vs. socialism, or even the United States (US) vs. China. It may be efficiency vs. sovereignty. Governments want control over production, money, payments, and data. Households gravitate towards financial gurus offering simple rules. In both cases, control feels like safety. Increasingly, however, it carries a price.

Consider China: Its economy grew by 4.3% in the second quarter, the weakest performance since the lockdown era, despite exports surging by more than 25% in June. Imports rose by 36%, and China’s first-half trade surplus was smaller than a year ago.

China’s export machine is not collapsing, but it can no longer conceal every domestic weakness. Beijing now faces a peculiar problem: It is trying to export and tax its way out of inadequate demand. Value-added-tax receipts rose by 6.2% from January to May, collections on personal income tax increased by 12.2%, and the combined government deficit narrowed. Instead of stimulus, China is drifting into austerity. Meanwhile, pensions, unemployment support, and poverty relief are absorbing more spending. Xi Jinping may prefer futuristic factories to welfarism, but a cooling economy and a greying population do not obey slogans. The state may direct capital, but it cannot command consumers to feel confident.

The US has its own illusion of control. Quantitative easing has left the Federal Reserve (Fed) with a $6.7-trillion balance sheet, roughly 21% of the gross domestic product (GDP). Banks have redesigned their liquidity models around abundant central-bank reserves. Drain the reservoir too quickly, and short-term markets may seize up. Keep it full, and the Fed distorts bond markets while looking like the government’s financier. New Fed Chairman Kevin Warsh’s five task forces (inflation, communication, artificial intelligence, data, and the balance sheet) show how monetary policy has changed. Interest rates are merely the visible part. The harder challenge is managing a financial system that has become dependent on previous interventions. The Fed controls the price of money, but not the consequences of that control.

Payments also show how national security can undermine collective prosperity. Brazil is defending Pix, India is exporting their Unified Payments Interface, Europe is developing Wero and a digital euro, and China is expanding alternative cross-border rails. These are understandable responses to the US’ willingness to use access to its financial system as geopolitical leverage. Yet, what is rational for each country may be destructive for the world. Incompatible systems would raise costs, obstruct trade, and create opportunities for fraud and sanctions evasion. One estimate suggests that financial fragmentation could reduce the global GDP by 2.6% by 2030. Sovereignty can quietly become a tax paid by every business and every consumer.

Ageing economies offer an unexpected counterargument to this obsession with control. Research suggests that longer lives need not produce runaway healthcare costs. Americans reaching 66 are gaining additional years that are largely healthy, while hospital-cost growth has slowed sharply. Labour scarcity may also encourage automation and productivity. Demography creates pressure, but it does not dictate destiny. Economies adapt.

This matters for South Africa (SA). A young population is not automatically an economic advantage. Without education, employment, and productivity, it merely produces a longer queue for public support. Similarly, payment sovereignty without interoperability, industrial policy without competitiveness, or fiscal support without growth, would give us control without prosperity.

Households make the same mistake. American gurus fight excessive debt, British advisors obsess over saving pennies, and Asian finfluencers feed enthusiasm for leveraged trading. SA’s weakness may be confusing the ownership of financial products with financial well-being. Insurance, retirement savings, property, and offshore investments can each be sensible, yet still fail to form a coherent financial plan.

The real choice is not between control and chaos. It is between brittle control and adaptive capacity. Nations become secure when they can participate from strength, not when they retreat behind financial walls. Households become financially well when their decisions work together, not when every uncertainty is avoided. Ultimately, productivity, not control, is the only sovereignty that lasts.

This article has been published on Moneyweb.

SA cannot redistribute its way to prosperity

The world economy is entering a dangerous new phase. Countries are pulling apart, while companies are growing larger. Payment systems are becoming political. Capital is concentrating in a handful of corporate giants. Governments want more control, investors want more scale, and ordinary citizens increasingly suspect that the system no longer works for them. This is not merely a story about the United States (US), China, or Europe. It is a warning for South Africa (SA).

For decades, the US’ financial power rested on more than just the dollar. It rested on the invisible infrastructure of global commerce: Visa, Mastercard, correspondent banks, and payment networks through which money moves. These systems were efficient because everyone used them. They were powerful for the same reason. But, dependence creates vulnerability. Brazil’s Pix, India’s Unified Payments Interface, China’s Cross-Border Interbank Payment System, and Europe’s new payment initiatives are all attempts to reduce reliance on US-controlled infrastructure. They are not simply fintech innovations. They are political insurance policies.

The paradox is obvious. The more the US uses financial access as a weapon, the stronger the incentive for other countries to build alternatives. Yet, the more countries retreat into separate systems, the greater the risk that global payments become slower, more expensive, and less compatible. Sovereignty may offer protection, but fragmentation carries a price.

At the same time, the private sector is becoming more concentrated. A handful of technology firms now dominate investment, artificial intelligence, stock-market returns, and, increasingly, even national industrial policy. Their scale is extraordinary. But, so is the risk. When one company can spend more on data centres than some countries spend on infrastructure, it is no longer merely a business. It becomes a systemically important institution. If that company succeeds, markets celebrate. If it fails, the damage may spread far beyond its shareholders.

Europe offers another useful warning: A weak economy can still contain strong companies. SA must, therefore, distinguish between national failure and corporate capability, while fixing the conditions that prevent more firms from becoming globally competitive.

This brings us to the real issue: Productivity and ownership are not the same thing.

A country does not become prosperous merely by redistributing the output of a weak economy more aggressively. SA already relies heavily on taxes, grants, and transfers. These may soften hardship, but they cannot create sustainable prosperity when economic growth is weak, investment is hesitant, infrastructure is failing, and unemployment remains extraordinarily high. We cannot redistribute our way out of a productivity crisis.

The central economic question is not how to divide a stagnant pie more creatively. It is how to produce a much larger pie. That requires reliable electricity, efficient ports and railways, better education, practical skills, competitive markets, secure property rights, and a government that rewards enterprise rather than political access. It also requires a change in mindset. Wealth is not created by policy declarations, ownership targets, or administrative formulas. It is created when people solve problems, produce goods, deliver services, take risks, and use capital more effectively than before.

Digital finance can support this process, but only if it lowers the cost of doing business, expands access to markets, and increases competition. If it becomes another layer of bureaucracy, political control, or corporate gatekeeping, it will entrench the very exclusion it claims to solve. SA should, therefore, pursue resilience without isolation, sovereignty without nationalism, and inclusion through productivity rather than redistribution.

The old global economy worshipped efficiency. The new one worships scale, control, and security. Our task is not to imitate either blindly. A country becomes powerful not when it controls more of a shrinking economy, but when it gives more people the chance to produce, trade, invest, and build. That is the difference between dividing wealth and creating it.

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